Mary and I had been home two weeks before we began seeing television accounts of the Egyptian Uprising that began on January 25, 2011. In hindsight the fact of political and social unrest in Egypt should not have come as a great surprise to us. When I asked our tour guide why we had to take a plane ride from Luxor International Airport to Cairo, she frankly admitted that violent extremists made it dangerous for the group to travel any other way. When I asked if a cab was a safe way to get to old Cairo, the site of Coptic churches founded according to tradition by the apostle Saint Mark, she told me not to go there at all because of recent attacks on Coptic Christians by Islamic extremists–attacks that have a long history and continue to this day.
The Egyptian Uprising (also called the Arab Spring) began in Tunisia a few weeks before we arrived in Cairo. A humiliated street vendor whose goods were casually confiscated immolated himself. Similar acts of self-immolation then spread to Egypt and other Arab countries. It is reasonable to assume from the strong impact of these events that the main sources of Arab unrest, aside from government corruption and police brutality under the likes of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, were as follows: hopelessly high unemployment, hopelessly low wages for those who were employed, and the near impossibility of well educated young people (already ingenious enough to use social media to spread their frustration) to find meaningful work. It was remarkable that this justly discontented group was able to unseat Egypt’s Mubarak in 2011, leading to the failed presidency of Mohammad Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood in 2012, and the coming to power of the current Egyptian president, Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, in 2014. But it was incredibly naive for Westerners to hope for abrupt change from this slow-moving “revolution,” which could produce no president whose roots were not in the military.
Nearly 50 % of Egyptians live in poverty. They lack the interest in, and means to, effect significant government change. Historically what has helped them most has been the technology that, through the building of the Aswan Dam and Lake Nasser, has irrigated the desert to make consistent farming possible, moved water traffic via the Lock at Edfu (see my earlier posts on these subjects) and currently, with El-Sisi’s major expansion of the Suez Canal, promised to double the number of ships passing through that waterway and so vastly increase international trade with India, China and Southeast Asia for all participating countries.
Whether the economic advantages of this expansion will seep down to the ordinary Egyptian remains to be seen given the brutality of the early stages of El-Sisi’s hold on power. (At the recent G7 Summit President Trump reportedly referred to El-Sisi as his “favorite dictator.”)
I am ending this series on Egypt from 2011 to 2019 with photos we took of 5 Egyptians whom we hope, no doubt naively, will benefit from El-Sisi’s initiatives.